Positions Available

SWEAR welcomes all current sex workers to sit on our committee. SWEAR has multiple positions available at this moment. We are most eager to fill the social media manager and events manager positions. SWEAR is an unfunded sex worker collective and unable to provide any of our committee with compensation. If you are interested in assisting our committee please email us to discuss how you can help, or if the below positions interest you please get in touch via email – swear.wa@gmail.com

Social Media Manager Volunteer Position

Time commitment: We ask a minimum of 45 minutes per week from home

Responsibilities: Manning SWEAR’s Facebook page and Twitter account. This includes posting interesting and relevant content, sharing and retweeting relevant content, promoting SWEAR’s events and responding to messages

Experience required: Sex industry experience is essential. Basic internet skills are essential.

Desirable skills include;

  • Facebook and Twitter knowledge
  • Ability to schedule social media via Hootsuite
  • A witty sense of humour
  • An interest in sex worker advocacy
  • Ability to create graphics or images for social media
  • A willingness to learn.


Events Manager Volunteer Position

Time commitment: 4hours per month

Responsibilities: The organisation and deliver of SWEAR events.

Experience required: Sex industry experience is essential. Basic internet skills are essential.

Desirable skills include;

  • Event organisation
  • Social media knowledge
  • Graphic (images & posters) creation
  • Facebook knowledge
  • Interest in sex worker advocacy
  • Ability to work well with others

To apply

Email SWEAR (swear.wa@gmail.com) with the following;

  • Your chosen name (SWEAR allows all volunteers to use a pseudonym if they wish)
  • Your ability to fill this position
  • Any relevant experience
  • Why you are the perfect person to fill this role
  • Your availability

Other notable things: SWEAR is happy to allow this volunteer role to be job-shared. If you are unable to commit on an ongoing basis, are interested in job-sharing, or have any other concerns please don’t let this stop you applying. Have someone you would like to job-share with? Submit a joint application



Support CJ Palmer

Donate Here(Link to GoFundMe)

Most of you will now CJ as the transwoman and sex worker who arrived at a booking to be arrested and given a HIV diagnosis by Police then held in a male prison. I know Cj as one of the kindest, beautiful people I have ever had the privilege to meet and call a friend.

I met CJ after she was released on bail to my best firends house. My bestie is a single mother ans sex worker. She has been my biggest support over the last ten years.

These two individuals are always there to help others. Since her release CJ has provided peer support for many sex workers who fear facing similar circumstances if they engage with testing services. CJ is the person, who despite the fuckery that has been her life over the last 18 onths has put her own shit on hold to hug me as i dealt with the the comparitively small chaos in my life. CJ is the woman who helps my bestie get her kid to school, provides comedic relief in the face of these dark times and cooks awesome dinners for my chosen family. My bestie is a single mother who has taken in CJ’s mum (super thanks to you guys for getting her over here) and CJ, supported CJ financially, provided me and countless others a shoulder to cry on, supported our dreams and advocated for sex worker rights always.

However since CJ’s release late last year my bestie has had the financial stress of another person in her home. Following family deaths requiring international travel, changes to childcare arrangements and emergency house repairs my besties savings have evaporated and her working availability has dramatically decreased.

I am asking each of you to support us in supporting our communtity. Ensure these two gorgeous women have a roof over their heads, electricity, food and access to health care. Donate to the gofundme, share it if you are not in a position to donate. These two people are invaluable members of the sex worker community. Lets support them not with thoughts and prayers but by decreasing the anxiety around paing the bills.

Despite facing terrible adversity CJ is remaining in good spirits. Lets work together to show her the support we have for her. Please share! Please Donate!


Volunteers Needed

Hello all,

As you may know, PFSWRWA is an unfunded, volunteer based organisation. Recently many of our committee have found themselves unable to dedicate the time from their busy lives. Which means WE NEED YOUR HELP!!!

We are looking for volunteers who can dedicate 2+ hours a week to PFSWRWA. This does not need to be consecutive hours and this is a rough guide of time. Main duties are online based. Volunteers will receive a lot of support and capacity building in sex worker advocacy, peer support and get to work alongside some pretty rad people.

If you are interested in volunteering  or finding out more, please email us at peopleforsexworkerrightsinwa@outlook.com or see our Contact Us Page. All volunteers must be current sex workers who work in WA.

Please share to anyone who maybe interested, filling these positions is crucial to our continuance.

Thank you all in advance

Perth Sex Workers Speak Out Against Prostitution Narratives

We acknowledge that everybody has a different experience of the sex industry, and that no one person can speak for all sex workers; however, Prostitution Narratives tries to take the experience of a small number of women, and assign that experience to all women in the industry. While we respect the experience of the former sex workers who were involved in Prostitution Narratives, as current sex workers, we are the people who a change in the law would affect – not people who used to be engaged in the industry.
The word trafficking conjures up images of women tied to beds, and this is not the reality. Sex work is the exchange of sex for money, goods, or services, between two consenting adults. It is a far more banal reality than the lurid images those who’ve never done it frequently imagine up. The editors of Prostitution Narratives frequently make an outlandish comparison to chattel slavery; as prominent United States anti-racist organisation INCITE! Women of Colour stated, “in borrowing this narrative, these ‘abolitionists’ exploit Black suffering to provide emotional weight to their own cause”. As sex workers, we are in the rare industry where workers having a negative experience of the industry sometimes inspires those outsiders who have never done it – such as the editors of Prostitution Narratives – to campaign for legislation that has made the experiences of current workers much, much worse. Their views treat our lives as collateral damage in a moral political agenda.
We are especially outraged at the appalling attempt by the editors of Prostitution Narratives to use the 2015 death of prominent Australian sex worker advocate Pippa O’Sullivan, also known as Grace Bellavue, for their own political gain. Pippa was an incredibly strong voice for sex worker rights, who ferociously opposed Melinda Tankard Reist and Caroline Norma’s views and fought tooth-and-nail against the Nordic model and for the decriminalisation of her work for many years. That the editors would use a woman’s suicide to advance a cause that that woman vehemently opposed – without the consent of Pippa’s grieving family – is absolutely disgusting. Pippa’s appalled mother will never have their platform, and has launched a website for people who actually knew and respected Pippa to post their memories to counter the disgusting depiction in Prostitution Narratives.


So What About The Nordic Model?

The Nordic model, the legal approach taken towards sex work in Sweden and Norway, is being spun by its supporters internationally, including those behind the Prostitution Narratives launch tonight, as being done in the interests of women in the sex industry. The reality of what it has actually done to Swedish and Norwegian sex workers has been very different, and it has had catastrophic consequences for those who have had to live under it. This is not a bug in the system, rather, it is an intrinsic feature: Ann Martin, the head of Sweden’s anti-trafficking unit and a key promoter of the Nordic model, told a journalist “I think of course the law has negative consequences for women in prostitution, but that’s also some of the effect that we want to achieve with the law.”
For all the rhetoric of its promoters, the Nordic model has made being a sex worker in Sweden much more dangerous. Sex workers who work in pairs for safety now risk arrest, so sex workers are forced to work alone – and predators know this. Sex workers cannot report violence to police, because they will be placed under surveillance and lose their livelihood from police trying to catch clients. Sex workers are at great risk of losing children due to the immense stigma towards them; in one notorious case, a Swedish court ruled that a man who was known to be violent was a better parent than a current sex worker. That court ruled that she could only see her child under supervision, and while at one such supervision, that man stabbed her to death. Policing human trafficking has become more difficult, because it is not differentiated from sex work, while the promised “income support programs” to assist workers out of the industry have not eventuated. The amount of sex workers has not gone down, yet their lives have gotten considerably worse as a result.
From 2007 to 2011, police in Oslo, Norway, specifically targeted women in the sex industry for forced evictions, in what was literally called “Operation Homeless”. In 2014 – after that had supposedly ended – nine Nigerian sex workers reported a horrifically violent rape, and police responded by instructing their landlord to evict them or face prosecution. In the same year, another group of migrant sex workers who reported a rape were deported from the country before they had even healed from their physical injuries, while police did not follow up on their rape. Oslo police continue to use the presence of condoms as evidence of sex work, leaving workers in fear of possessing them. The Norwegian government’s own 2014 analysis into the impact of the Nordic model stated “women in the street market report to have a weaker bargaining position and more safety concerns now than before the law was introduced”.
This is the reality of what the Nordic model, sought after by the editors of Prostitution Narratives, has done to sex workers in Sweden and Norway, as anti-sex work ideology was allowed to trump sex workers’ right to be free from violence and persecution. We will not let them do it to us.


19.02.2016 Press Release

Allegations of HIV transmission have been made against a transgender person living with HIV, who was also a sex worker in Western Australia.

People for Sex Worker Rights in Western Australia, the peer-led advocacy group for sex workers in Western Australia, does not support criminalisation of consensual sexual activity, including when transmission of a sexually transmitted infection occurs. While we cannot comment on a case before the courts, we believe that sexual health should be treated as a public health issue, not a criminal one.

“Safer sex is the responsibility of everyone engaging in a sexual activity, not just one party,” said People For Sex Worker Rights in WA president Rebecca Davies.

“We have continually seen, both within Australia and globally, that prosecuting people for cases of this nature result in poorer public health outcomes, and a reduction in people going in for sexual health testing. UNAIDS has raised concerns that such criminal laws create disincentives to testing, create a false sense of security for those who believe themselves to be HIV-negative, reinforce stigma against people living with HIV, and result in selective prosecution of people with HIV among otherwise marginalised communities. We share these concerns.”

“It has been extremely disappointing to see the media actively encouraging stigma towards people living with HIV, transgender women and sex workers in their reporting of this case. Such reporting only serves to create fear and misinformation, when it should highlight the need for drastic improvement in public sexual health education.

“We are also extremely disappointed to see repeated transphobic reporting towards the sex worker concerned, including referring to a woman as “male”, using incorrect pronouns, and reporting of her birth name. There can be no justification for such transphobic coverage in 2016.”

“The sexual health of sex workers in Australia has repeatedly been shown to be as good as, if not better than, the general population. A public health-focused response centred on peer education and harm reduction is a far better means of promoting sexual health than harmful measures of criminalisation. We suggest that pouring funds into policing measures while simultaneously seeing funding cuts to sexual health services around Australia is deeply counterproductive.”


Rebecca Davies

President, People For Sex Worker Rights in WA

Ph: 0451 984 211

Perth Memorial for Pippa O’Sullivan, aka Grace Bellavue

On Friday the 23rd of October 2015, sex workers and friends gathered together in Hyde Park, Perth to remember and mourn the passing of Pippa O’Sullivan, also well known as Grace Bellavue.


It was an intimate gathering filled with laughter, scotch, tears, balloons and Pippa’s favourite songs in a park scattered with red umbrellas.


Carmel Crème prepared a beautiful tribute to Pippa which was read out to those attending:


Pippa posted this on her FaceBook page, which at the time really stood out to me…

“in my mind in any relationship there is no I, there will never be a you and I, only a very tightly bonded period where collectively we can help ourselves and others”.

I will miss Pippa, as we all will, but I CAN’T say goodbye because when Pippa said she wanted to go home she meant the otherside, I WOULD LIKE TO THINK we will meet again one day.





This was followed by other workers saying how they came across Pippa/Grace and how she influenced and inspired them through her writing and advocacy. We played “Skinny Love” when we released red balloons in Pippa’s honour, with one rebellious balloon getting itself stuck under the pergola!


Everyone then had a scotch for Pippa, even the non-drinkers amongst us! And some of us had another! We played Pippa’s favourite music and the last of us didn’t leave until a few hours later.



It was a beautiful memorial for an amazing woman who will be missed, and remembered always. Many thanks go out to Carmel Crème for organizing this tribute to Pippa, it was greatly appreciated by those in Perth who were unable to attend the funeral in Adelaide. The WA sex worker community thanks you, and thank you to all who attended.

**Please note that all photographs were taken with permission and we were unable to get a full group photo as not everyone is comfortable having their picture taken

To read Pippa’s writings please see: https://gracebellavue.wordpress.com/

Forum on Regulating Sex Work in Western Australia

**Please note: this post contains language that may be triggering/offensive, including whorephobic speech, as it reports on comments made by anti sex work groups and their members**


Speech By Jane Green

My name is Jane Green and I am a current sex worker.

I am speaking today, as a sex worker and also on behalf of Scarlet Alliance, the Australian Sex Workers Association. We are a peer organisation, this means at every level – staff, volunteers, members and executive committee – we are all current or former sex workers. We do not allow owners or operators of sex industry businesses to hold membership in our organisation.
We are a sex worker organisation – and like other sex worker organisations we represent and are accountable to our community.

I do not speak for all sex workers, because no one can.
I speak from my own personal experience of sex work.

That may seem an unusual thing to say when I have just said that I am speaking on behalf of an organisation that represents sex workers across Australia, but let me explain – I am here to speak about facts. Because I believe in facts. I am here to speak about the evidence that sex worker organisations like the Scarlet Alliance here in Australia, but also sex worker organisations across the world have on sex work, on sex workers experiences – and that evidence reflects my own personal experience of sex work.

Scarlet Alliance, through its member organisations in Australia has the highest level of contact with sex workers of any organisation in Australia.

Sex worker organisations exist throughout the world. In some countries it is illegal to openly admit to being a sex worker or to have membership of a sex worker organisation.

Anti sex work groups regularly portray sex worker organisations as run by those in positions of privilege, or as “industry lobby groups”. This is a blatant lie designed to silence sex workers and their representative organisations. Instead of a standard power-point display I have chosen to run a display of images of sex workers and sex worker organisations from around the world protesting for the full decriminalisation of sex work – you will be able to see clearly that our community is diverse, yet united, in calling for sex workers’ rights to be recognised.

You may have noticed during this event that there are some differences in language being used, by the people to my LEFT.

As Rebecca has explained sex workers, generally prefer to be called sex workers. When our community, the representative organisations for our community – across the country and across the world, as well as the World Health Organisation and the United Nations all ask people to use the term sex worker you might not think that would be a lot to ask.

But it’s a different story when the people you are asking are specifically using language as a tactic to oppress you.
Sex work is work.
My work is real work.
& I have never had anyone adequately explain how having less rights would somehow “save me” or improve my situation.

So what do we actually mean when we say that – that the Swedish (sometimes called the Nordic) Model would give us less rights?
When anti sex work groups talk about the Swedish Model “only criminalising clients ” what does that mean?
For a start it doesn’t just criminalise clients, it also criminalises all of the surrounding activities around sex work – Rebecca has outlined this.
But also, about “criminalising clients” under the Swedish Model, in reality exactly how does that work?

Do we imagine the police are just following random people around waiting for them to maybe decide to visit a sex worker?
Are there special psychic police that just know when someone might want to pay for sex?
New advanced technology like the Tom Cruise movie ‘Minority Report’ where police can anticipate what you are going to do in the future before you get there?

Surprisingly no.

Under the Swedish Model police actually target sex workers – the police follow, harass and stake out sex workers while trying to arrest clients.
This is what the “criminalisation of clients” looks like in reality.
This pushes sex workers underground, creates barriers to sex workers accessing peer support networks and health services, limits options when choosing clients and negotiating boundaries, increases risk, and makes it almost impossible to go to police if a sex worker is subjected to violence.

Also, so much of the rhetoric put out by anti sex work groups is centred around stigmatising sex workers and encouraging discrimination against my community.
I would like to point out that I am now going to read a quote, made in relation to the attack on Amnesty International’s support of the decriminalisation of sex work, but please clearly understand that these are the words of an anti sex work group (so I apologise for having to read them, and to those that may find them triggering and offensive):

“Shouldn’t Amnesty be focusing more on ensuring women have a real choice – that they have real agency – by addressing the underlying poverty, discrimination and lack of education that lead women into prostitution..”[1]

That was a short quote.
Let me explain why sex workers often seem so angry when dealing with anti sex work groups:

ensuring women have a real choice”

Not all sex workers are women. Sex workers are people. This may mean women, INCLUDING trans women. This may mean men, INCLUDING trans men. But it also means people that identify across the gender spectrum. & I am not sorry that we do not fit into the box in which anti sex work groups seek to put us.

a real choice”

Thanks for deciding for me, that my choice is “not real”, when comparatively I guess everyone else’s is. Anti sex work groups often claim that any one that actually advocates for sex worker community can’t be representative OF sex worker community. I feel compelled to point out:
The individual sex workers and sex worker representatives that have been behind me throughout my speech on the PowerPoint display would like to illustrate that this is a deliberate attempt to mislead you and to silence our community.

ensuring … that they have real agency”

Agency is your ability to act independently and make your own free choices. The structure of society around us (class, religion, gender, all of these things) influence us. They influence ALL of us.
Anti sex work groups sometimes focus on the idea that sex workers don’t have “free choice”.
WAKE UP and smell the capitalism!
We ALL live and work in a world where we all have to LIVE and WORK.
Unless you are part of a select minority born into wealth and privilege, yes, you will have to work.
People across the world experience relative degrees of privilege (for example white privilege) and are also impacted by the social environment in which they live and work.
But no worker is ever helped by having less options.
Attempting to criminalise sex work – any part of our work – is attempting to limit our options and in doing so makes our work unsafe.
To constrain us from making decisions about where, when and how we work – and most fundamentally whether we should be able to work at all is offensive.
Whatever “choices” we have – we have the right to make them. To suggest that we do not is fundamentally offensive.

addressing the underlying poverty”

Poverty is a global, awful, complex issue – caused by rich countries, webs of influence, the IMF, bad government, charities that do not listen to the communities they serve (or even realise they serve those communities), a host of other factors, as well as social and personal indifference to other peoples suffering.
But poverty does not cause sex work – people living in poverty need to work and support themselves and their families – removing another option by which they can do so is not helping them. It is simply makes the lives of those engaging in sex work whilst living in poverty more dangerous.

“..lack of education..”

Okay, thanks for that – it’s nice to know what anti sex work groups think of us.

I’m not sure what level of education they consider appropriate for a particular workforce before intervention and saving is required, but maybe they could tell us? – perhaps a University degree?
The Australian Bureau of Statistics figures in 2007 indicate that 21% of people aged 25-64[2] in Australia had a Bachelor Degree or above, so by suggesting that “lack of education” (to some standard they have yet to define) is an issue, anti sex work groups may be insulting a larger proportion of the Australian workforce (76%) than they imagine.
& just how educated are Australian sex workers?

In a study conducted by the Queensland Government, also in 2007, 25% of sex workers surveyed had a university degree – so in Australia (or at least in Queensland) we’ve edged out in front slightly[3].

Sex workers are currently discriminated against in a multitude of ways on a daily basis across Australia.
I would like to give you a list of examples that I keep when I advocate for sex work community – but when I timed my speech including the list it put me three minutes over time.
After this event my speech will be posted online and includes the list of discrimination that sex workers face in Australia, that is NOT a complete list, but illustrative – I would encourage you to access this, as often the concept of discrimination is an intangible concept, invisible if you are not a part of our community.

This is a list of examples of the types of discrimination sex workers in Australia face, that had to be omitted from the speech at the W.A. Forum on Regulating Sex Work, Wednesday the 12th of August, due to the length of time it would have taken to include it into the event.
Please be aware this list is not extensive, also:
a) it is illustrative of the discrimination that sex workers in Australia face, used as examples when advocating for sex worker community (& sometimes when doing sex worker advocates only have short windows of time in which to advocate),
b) many sex workers experience intersecting marginalisation (for example: sex workers of colour and trans sex workers)
c) the last point is (in my opinion) the most important point

  • Sex workers experience stigma and discrimination through ‘outing’, being exposed as a sex worker, this can impact on workers but also on families, partner/s and friends
  • It can affect school age and/or older children if a parent or carer is who is a sex worker is ‘outed
  • Sex workers may experience interpersonal and/or interfamilial violence when ‘outed’
  • Being a sex worker may affect the outcome of child custody cases
  • Sex worker status may affect access to housing and accommodation
  • Sex worker status affects employment disputes & future employment opportunities
  • Being out or being ‘outed’ as a sex worker leads to discrimination regarding health insurance
  • The ‘Leaking’ and misuse of personal information on sex workers can lead to stalking, blackmail & extortion
  • There are less opportunities for sex workers to utilise remedies to address discrimination
  • Sex workers are discriminated against regarding goods and services (including banking and online commerce)
  • Sex workers have been barred entry to clubs or hotels
  • There is discrimination in education against sex workers (including the exclusion of sex workers from University Courses on ‘morals clauses’)
  • Sex workers are discriminated against regularly in medical settings (for example refusal and/or exclusion from treatment ‘on conscience’)
  • Sex workers have been discriminated against in membership of trade unions
  • Sex workers experience the implication of ‘criminality’ that is implied by registration under licensing regimes
  • Sex workers have less ability to access police/justice under criminalised and licensing systems.
  • There is reduced access to health/outreach services for sex workers under criminalisation/licensing systems for regulating sex work
  • Sex workers experience increased stigma and discrimination in media
  • Police attitudes to sex workers, including corruption and harassment from criminalisation, or entrenched stigma/discrimination from prior criminalisation – affect sex workers ability to access police and their treatment when sex workers do.
  • Sex workers are subject to stalking and harassment from anti sex work groups and their members, including outing to family and in social media
  • Lastly, sex workers are often NOT HEARD – OUR VOICES, SEX WORKERS VOICES are always the most critical voices in ANY discussion about OUR lives and OUR work.

If there is a discussion on sex work happening in Australia, in government, on policy, in media, on our LIVES – if sex workers are not INCLUDED, if our representative organisations are not there – then be aware a choice has been made to deliberately exclude us.

And if anti sex work groups attempt to remove sex workers from discussions about our lives and work, we are not required to sit down, shut up, behave politely and wait for them to stop trying to ‘rescue us’.

We’ve been ‘rescuing’ ourselves for years. We call it – sex worker activism.

Equality for sex workers is a future that sex workers are creating every day, through the action and voices of our community and our own sex worker organisations.  This future can be achieved more easily with allies by our sides, making space for sex worker voices to be heard and supporting our activism.  It is not aided by anti sex work groups that do not recognise our voices, rarely if ever talk to us, but frequently talk about us – who refer to us as objects: as “bodies”, say that we are “bought” and “sold”, who call us “product”.

I do not “sell my body”.  My body is still here.  I sell a service.

Suggestions from anti sex work groups and the ‘rescue industry’ that sex workers need others to speak on our behalf, that we are not the experts on our own lives and work – that is silencing our community, that IS exploitation of sex workers.

I cannot expect anti sex work groups to stop working against us.

– become a sex worker ALLY
– START speaking up in support of sex workers
– DO NOT BE QUIET when people use hate speech to define us, calling us epithets rather than calling us SEX WORKERS, objectifying us and demeaning us rather than calling our work, just that – SEX WORK
Nothing about us, should ever be without us.

[1] ‘Amnesty International – The Sex Trades New Best Friend’, Tasmanian Times,http://tasmaniantimes.com/index.php?/pr-article/amnesty-international-the-sex-trades-new-best-friend/, Simone Watson, 13-Jul-15.

[2] Refer Australian Bureau of Statistics –http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mediareleasesbyTopic/CAB937E9717F783BCA2568A900136267?OpenDocument

[3] In terms of education, about one-quarter of licensed brothel workers and sole operators reported that they had completed a bachelor degree. This compares favourably with the general community. According to an Australian Bureau of Statistics publication, Education and Work, May 2007, 21% of Australians aged between 15 and 64 years had attained a bachelor degree or above..”, Select Sex Industry Statistics, Prostitution Licensing Authority, Queensland Government.


Speech by Rebecca Davies

My name is Rebecca Davies, I am a Western Australian sex worker and a member of People for Sex Worker Rights in W.A., a peer sex worker group that aims to have our work decriminalized and remove the social stigma sex workers face. Our decision making committee is made up of current sex workers only.

In researching my opponent tonight, I have come to a simple conclusion, Peter Abetz is misguided in his attempts to “help” women. Sticking with his Christian background Peter believes that the government and more importantly men, have a role in regulating women’s bodies. This is evident to me with Peter’s long campaigning for more restrictive abortion laws, saying things such as:

“..the silly thing is if a child is injured in an accident, it can claim damages but if a mother says it’s inconvenient and has the baby killed, the law says that’s perfectly okay..”

in the West Australian, and his persistent attempts to undermine sex workers health and safety by campaigning for the Swedish (sometimes called Nordic) model at every opportunity.

I have been a sex worker for over ten years. I have worked within various legal frameworks in my time, and I have also seen the difference between laws, intentions, and how things are actually implemented on the ground. I have worked with other sex workers doing sex work, and I have also previously worked as a peer educator providing outreach services and health promotion to sex workers across W.A., in sex industry venues, private workplaces and on the street in street based sex work areas.

At this point I would like to give some background on Western Australia. Up until 2000 sex work here was illegal. Keeping a brothel, soliciting etc. way back when, even the police knew this would not work, and the W.A. police, understanding even then, that they could not eradicate the sex industry, implemented what was commonly known as “the containment policy”. This policy, which was not law, but rather police policy, started in Kalgoorlie, in the famous (or infamous) Hay Street area red light district. Under the policy police allowed certain premises to operate only in certain areas of town. The police had to know who was working where. The policy was eventually implemented across the state and certain venues were allowed to operate, workers had to be registered with vice. I began working after the law change, although some workers were not aware of the change, and police continued to collect information. Police have never given clear answers about where this information is kept, for what purpose it is kept and who has access to it.

Often groups advocating the Swedish Model do not seem to understand that just like full criminalization and licencing, it still positions police as the regulators of the industry. The police cannot be of full assistance to sex workers whilst they are continually cast in this regulatory role, which they are not given in any other industry. How can we seek assistance if we experience violence, if we are either subject to penalties ourselves, or under the Swedish model, where we would be lining ourselves up for police surveillance whilst simultaneously cutting off our own income? Somehow I don’t see myself reporting under those circumstances. I think it is also really important to point out research conducted by Elaine Dowd in 2003, titled “Sex workers rights, human rights the impact of Western Australian legislation on street based sex workers. Dowd cites research from SARC, the sexual assault resource center, which found of sex workers reporting sexual assaults in Perth, over 50% were perpetrated by police.

Also problematic is the reference within the Swedish Model to literally almost anyone as a pimp. Landlords can be charged with pimping if they don’t evict sex worker tenants. There was even a case of a sex workers adult child charged with pimping because his mother didn’t charge him rent. Another case that particularly resonated with me is that of Petite Jasmine. Because of her status as a sex worker her children were removed from her custody and given to her violent ex-partner. He subsequently stabbed her to death. I don’t understand how people can say this is a step towards equality, when a women can have her children removed and a violent man is deemed a more suitable parent because someone doesn’t agree with how she makes a living. As a sole parent and a sex worker this is one of my biggest fears, to have my child removed because you don’t like my job.

Often when discussing sex worker rights things can become really heated. For us, this is because it is our lives and livelihoods are on the line and at the end of the day, a simple truth remains, changing the law does not actually affect politicians, or even former sex workers, it affects those of us currently working in the industry today. I think the Swedish Model can be summed up by Ann Martin, Sweden’s trafficking unit head who said:

“..of course the law has negative consequences for women in prostitution but that’s also some of the effect that we want to achieve with the law..”

I am tired of not having full access to my human rights. People don’t seem to want to listen to sex workers, often statistics are thrown around by academic types such as “..95% of women in prostitution don’t want to be there..” and “..most start in the industry at 13..” amongst other hysterical claims. When you do a bit of digging you will find that they are in fact all referencing the same material, research conducted by Melissa Farley, an anti-sex work campaigner. Since people don’t pay much attention to sex workers discrediting Dr Farley, I find it much easier to quote one of those academic types that people take seriously, Justice Susan Himel, who was the presiding judge in Canada’s supreme court during Bedford v Canada, in which Canada’s anti-sex work laws were struck down. Justice Himel said of Dr Farley’s research:

“Although Dr. Farley has conducted a great deal of research on prostitution, her advocacy appears to have permeated her opinions. For example, Dr. Farley’s unqualified assertion in her affidavit that prostitution is inherently violent appears to contradict her own findings that prostitutes who work from indoor locations generally experience less violence. Furthermore, in her affidavit, she failed to qualify her opinion regarding the causal relationship between post- traumatic stress disorder and prostitution, namely, that it could be caused by events unrelated to prostitution.
Dr. Farley’s choice of language is at times inflammatory and detracts from her conclusions. For example, comments such as “prostitution is to the community what incest is to the family” and “just as pedophiles justify sexual assault of children . . . . Men who use prostitutes develop elaborate cognitive schemes to justify purchase and use of women” make her opinions less persuasive.
Dr. Farley stated during cross-examination that some of her opinions on prostitution were formed prior to her research, including “that prostitution is a terrible harm to women, that prostitution is abusive in its very nature, and that prostitution amounts to men paying a woman for the right to rape her”.

On this basis Judge Himel eliminated Canada’s anti-sex work laws, deeming them unconstitutional.

And furthermore, in the words of Dr Melissa Farley’s own research assistant on her research in New Zealand where she attempts to discredit decriminalization, in 2003 Colleen Winn said the study:

“..was not ethical, and the impact has done harm to those women and men who took part in it. It is for that reason that I am writing to the psychologists’ board of registration in California to lay a formal complaint regarding Melissa. I also believe that Melissa has committed an act of intentional misrepresentation of fact”

I’m not here today to ask you to be pro sex work, and I’m also not asking for anything special, I just want my work to be decriminalized so I can be treated like everyone else. I want to be able concentrate on my safety at work rather than police evasion tactics. My colleagues and I don’t want to be rescued, we just want to live and work in peace.


You can read the live tweeting of the event at: #SexWorkWA

For more information on joining Western Australian sex workers in campaigning for the full decriminalisation of sex work:
Visit the website of People for Sex Worker Rights W.A.
Or join People for Sex Worker Rights W.A. on twitter at – @sexworkrightswa

For more information on joining sex workers nationally in Australia campaigning for their human rights and labour rights:
Visit the website of Scarlet Alliance (Australian Sex Workers Association)
Or join Scarlet Alliance on twitter at – @scarletalliance

Mastercard and Visa Discrimination

Western Australian sex workers have condemned the sudden and unexpected decision of MasterCard and Visa to cut payment facilities to two of the largest sex work advertising sites in Australia, Backpage and Cracker, pointing out that it is not only discriminatory but will have catastrophic impacts in the short term for the livelihoods of Western Australian workers left stranded.

“Both sex work itself and the advertising of sexual services are legal in Western Australia, and yet MasterCard and Visa made a decision that places at risk the livelihoods of Western Australian workers who rely on their services to pay for advertising,” Sarah from peer sex worker group People For Sex Worker Rights in Western Australia said today.

“This decision effectively blocks workers from paying for their advertising on the sites that hold a near-monopoly on the low-to-mid-end rage of the market, leaving them completely stranded. We are concerned that workers may lose homes and go hungry before alternative, affordable replacements for those sites emerge.”

“The decision of MasterCard and Visa appears to be an overreaction to a grandstanding local politician in Chicago in the United States, and yet workers in Western Australia, working in a completely different legal and social environment, face going to the wall and potentially losing everything as a result.”

“MasterCard Australia and Visa Australia should distance themselves from the actions of their US parent company and resume services to Australian sex workers as a matter of urgency before it further marginalises already marginalised workers.”


This is the text of a keynote speech made by a People For Sex Worker Rights member at the NOWSA 2014 conference, Australia’s peak student feminist conference, in July 2014.

My name is [name redacted]. I am a university student and a feminist activist going back a decade or so – and I am a current sex worker.

I am incredibly thankful for the opportunity to stand here and speak today and address NOWSA as our peak student feminist conference. This is important because non-sex worker feminists have enormous potential to be allies to sex workers in our struggles, to help us get heard rather than to talk over us, and to help us campaign for legislation that protects our rights and keeps us safe at work. I stand here in front of many people I consider allies in that fight, and many more I don’t know but hope will support us along the way. We are an incredibly stigmatized group of (mostly) women, and without help, our voices can sometimes be drowned out by those who would speak for us despite never having done a trick in their lives. And one unfortunate reality sex workers face is that many of those who crusade the hardest for laws that make our work more dangerous, and fight hard to silence our voices in the name of “saving” us also label themselves “feminist”.

I am not the first sex worker to speak at NOWSA conferences over the years, but historically most of those who have gone before me have received receptions ranging from divided to – going back a few more years – hostile to the point of brutality. When I told a prominent member of the community here a few days ago that I was speaking at NOWSA, she told me something to the effect of “you know you’re going to cop it, right?” But I told her that I thought that she was wrong.

I have seen a major shift in our community over the last few years, and I’ve seen a lot more willingness in student and young women’s feminist communities to listen to and stand with their sex worker peers, rather than trying to drown out our voices in the name of ideology. I stand here and I see a new dawn in our communities where feminists do not see the human rights of sex workers as up for debate. All of this said, if you are going to be allies to sex workers, you need information. The complexities of how the law affects sex workers is a difficult topic to understand if you’ve never done sex work, and many people just don’t have many opportunities to learn the things we most need them to understand to support us: what the various legal approaches to sex work are, how they impact upon sex workers, and what approach sex workers prefer. I want to take the time and the platform I’ve been given today to take you through all of these models, and hope that when I’m done you’ll have a better idea of how the law can impact upon sex workers’ lives and safety, and of what you can do to help us.


I want to start off by talking about the worst approach to sex work around: criminalisation or prohibition. This is the case across the entire sex industry in a number of countries (most notably the United States) and in South Australia, but which is also applied to street sex workers in most Australian states.

It is impossible to overstate how bad criminalisation is for sex workers forced to work under that system. Criminalisation forces sex workers to live in constant fear of arrest for simply going about their work. Sex workers’ safety is forced to take a back seat to the need to not be arrested, which can limit workers’ ability to screen their clients and encourage them to work alone, rather than with other workers, lest they attract police attention. Under criminalisation, predators know full well that sex workers cannot go to the police without confessing to a criminal act themselves, and that as such they can almost feel safe in preying on sex workers without consequence.

In many places, condoms can be used as evidence of prostitution, thus encouraging sex workers to have unsafe sex to limit the risk of arrest. There have been many cases in criminalised jurisdictions of police demanding sex from sex workers under threat of arrest, and in some it is even legal for police to procure a service from a sex worker, go through with the service, and then arrest her – to, in effect, legally rape a sex worker. In one recent example, Hawaiian police complained bitterly when their right to do this was removed in March this year. If, at any point, a sex worker is arrested and convicted, they’re tarred with criminal records, severely inhibiting their chances of gaining work outside the sex industry. This has devastating consequences for those workers’ lives. Criminalisation is an unbelievably brutal way of treating sex workers, yet it remains alarmingly common in too many places.

I mentioned before that there were two areas where criminalisation is still a big issue in Australia: in regard to street work, and in South Australia, and I’d like to quickly talk about both of those. The rights of street sex workers are often the first to get left behind when it comes to legal protections against sex work. Residents whingeing about having sex workers in their neighbourhood – sex workers that, in most cases, were there before the residents were – have far more political power than some of the most vulnerable workers in the industry, and it shows – and Perth is a key example. In our red light district in Highgate, police and the local City of Vincent council have spent the last few years cracking down on street sex workers with increasing brutality, forcing workers to become more and more geographically scattered every year, removing their abilities to work together with other workers, and have fewer opportunities to check clients before getting into cars – all at serious cost to their own safety. On occasion, the police and council have even gotten it wrong and targeted local residents: profiling and harassing women that they’ve mistaken for sex workers for being dressed too scantily.

And yet, when it comes to street sex workers, no one seems to give a damn. The then local mayor responsible for initiating this crackdown, now federal Labor MP and long-time darling of the WA Labor Party Alannah MacTiernan, proudly touted this crackdown as one of her major achievements in local office. That the rights of an incredibly vulnerable group of women had been systematically violated over a period of years didn’t rate a mention and still don’t. The same goes on in most cities in Australia, and apart from sex worker organisations, they’re a group of people whose rights few seem to give a damn no matter where on the political spectrum people stand. There is not and can never be any moral basis for arresting street sex workers because of residents buying into and then trying to gentrify a traditional area – and, as politically controversial as that may be in some quarters, criminalisation of street workers needs to end.

South Australia has been the bad egg jurisdiction in Australia for a while now, continuing to criminaliseworkers long after all the other states and territories had ditched this approach. I’ve already mentioned the sorts of things that this has meant for South Australian workers. And yet, the future there looks considerably different, as another senior Labor MP, Steph Key, has campaigned for the full decriminalisation of the industry, and is currently on her third attempt to push an amazing, far-reaching bill through parliament that would take South Australia overnight from having the worst laws on sex work to the best: fully decriminalising the industry, protecting workers from discrimination, and revoking decades worth of prostitution convictions. That fight is far from won, but it shows real promise of finally achieving a change that will benefit the lives of every worker in that state.

This is a great example of how views on sex work frequently don’t cut down regular political lines. There is no more inhumane legal approach to sex work than criminalisation, and yet these two well known, “feminist” Labor MPs took such drastically different paths on the issue. Steph Key holds a knife-edge marginal seat that she held against the odds at the election this year, and yet had the courage to take on this fight, at considerable political risk, because it was the right thing to do; Alannah MacTiernan had a safe seat as mayor and a relatively safe path back into higher office, and chose to initiate a brutal crackdown on vulnerable women because it was politically popular.

Ultimately, criminalization of the sex industry, including street work, is the worst of all worlds, and is a means of approaching this issue that needs to be expunged from this earth.


Quasi-Criminalisation (The Swedish Model)

I now want to move on to quasi-criminalisation, or what its proponents like to call “the Swedish model”. The Swedish model claims to be a “harmless” means of attempting to eradicate the sex industry, technically leaving sex work itself legal for the worker, but criminalising clients. The slogan abolitionists like to use for this approach is “end demand”. This is an easier model for abolitionists to sell than outright criminalisation, but it nonetheless has devastating consequences for sex workers. A few weeks ago, I was talking to a journalist who was particularly ignorant about sex work, and I started explaining the Swedish model to her. Her response summed it up better than I possibly could: she looked at me, confused, and said “but isn’t that effectively starving you?” It should be obvious that if there are less clients, sex workers are going to be more desperate, having to work for less, take more risks, or do things they might not want to do, because that’s what you’re going to do if your rent isn’t going to get paid or your kids aren’t going to get fed because there’s suddenly not enough clients that week.

Moreover, if there is a drop i n clients, it wouldn’t be the few clients who would treat sex workers’ badly who would stop seeing sex workers, but the many decent clients. Now, there is no evidence that the Swedish model has actually succeeded in reducing clients, but these are the should-be-obvious flaws that would hit home even if the laws worked as claimed on the box. The Swedish model interferes with the lives of sex workers in so many damaging ways that there are almost too many to list. It makes it illegal to work indoors, for sex workers to work with other workers, or to advertise. Negotiation with clients becomes more challenging, because workers have to accommodate clients’ fear of arrest instead of their own safety. It is illegal to be a driver or security guard for a sex worker. It actually compels landlords to evict sex workers lest they, too, face charges.

The laws even place family members who are supported by a sex worker at risk of arrest, something which is not hypothetical: in one well-known case, the son of a sex worker was charged because he was not paying rent to his mother. The working conditions of street workers have dropped particularly badly, as while rates of clients have not dropped over all, the visibility of street work has meant that street business has dropped, resulting in increased pressure for sex without condoms, lower prices, and less ability to refuse unpleasant or dangerous clients. Furthermore, trafficking has become extremely difficult to identify in Sweden, because the state refuses to distinguish it from sex work.

It should be becoming apparent by now that any claim that these laws are helping sex workers would be laughable if it wasn’t so abhorrent. But on 9 July 2013, the failure of this law was brought home in the most horrible way, when Petite Jasmine, one of the most prominent sex worker rights in Sweden and a board member of their peer organization the Rose Alliance, was murdered. Jasmine had been in a relationship where she was subject to domestic violence, but upon Social Services discovering that she was a sex worker, they seized her kids, placed them with their abusive father, and told her she was “lacking insight into the damage her sex work caused.” She fought through three trials, won shared custody (though the judge declared that it was a problem that she failed to realize her work was “a form of self harm”, lost it again, and was appealing to the High Court at the time of her death. Social Services eventually agreed to her seeing her children under supervision at an agreed place; at the first such meeting with her son, her partner took the opportunity to stab her to death. Despite Jasmine’s complaints of domestic violence, and the fact that her partner had put one caseworker in a chokehold and spat at another, the state denied protection to her and kept her kids with her abusive husband merely because she was an unashamed sex worker. This is the reality of the Swedish model in practice.

This is a system so obsessed with the fantasy that they might eradicate the world’s oldest profession that women like Jasmine become just collateral damage. Ten days after her death, sex workers in 36 cities across the globe, from Stockholm to as far away as Seoul and Sydney, came out in force and in outrage against Jasmine’s murder and the Swedish model’s complicity in it. The silence from abolitionists was glaring. Yet, in spite of all of this, the abolitionist movement continues to ignore the angry voices of sex workers, and to forcefully push for the introduction of the Swedish model around the world. Only last week, a group of “feminists” attempted to force Amnesty International Australia to back away from Amnesty International’s support for the decriminalization of sex work. Some screamed abuse at the sex workers present, tried to violently shout them down, and tried to prevent them from even speaking at all when they attempted to voice how the Swedish model would impact their lives. The workers I know who attended that day are a tough bunch of women, but most of them were traumatized as hell after a day trying to have their voices heard in front of these women who claimed to be feminists. The abolitionists thankfully failed on that occasion, with a motion in support of the Swedish model voted down at Amnesty’s AGM, but it bears repeating once more: this kind of behaviour is not “saving” women.

It needs to be mentioned at this point that it radical feminists are not working alone in advocating for the Swedish model; rather, sex workers find ourselves fighting a constant battle again an unholy alliance of radical feminists and religious conservatives who find common ground in trying to silence and “save” sex workers. This is a fight that is raging hard around the world. In February, sex workers took a major blow when a report advocating the Swedish model, pushed by UK Labour MEP Mary Honeyball, was backed by a majority of the EU Parliament – 343 MPs, and thus sending a devastating message to other countries who might be so inclined. In better news, only last week, sex workers won an unexpected victory in France when their Senate voted down an attempt at introducing the Swedish model there.

That bill, which had passed the lower house and was widely tipped to become law over the shouts of  French sex workers, unexpectedly went down when the French Senate decided to actually listen to those who would be affected, saving French sex workers an incredible amount of grief. The outcome of this battle is very much still in the balance, and we need the help of non-workers more than ever. The Swedish model is merely dressed-up criminalization, and a human rights abuse in action. Calling for the introduction of the Swedish model is not, and should never be seen as a feminist act, and women who would claim a “feminist” label for it deserve to be fiercely shamed.


Once people grasp the consequences that criminalization – whether of clients or in full – has for sex workers, many people assume that legalization and regulation is an ideal way forward. This is understandable – and I thought so too for a while before I was a worker – but it would be wrong, because in practice, that regulation often plays out very badly for workers. And the best way I can illustrate this is to take a virtual trip around three of the legalized states of Australia.

One state in which I work from time to time is Victoria. There, to legally work outside of a brothel, I had to formally register as a sex worker, so that my name and sex worker status is now on a government database somewhere. The experience of walking into a staid government building in the Melbourne CBD to register as a whore was quite surreal, but also served no legitimate purpose whatsoever. If I want to advertise, I can’t show my body in my photos below my shoulders, and if I don’t show my face to preserve my privacy I have to take a ridiculous photo with my hair over my face or I’m breaking the law. No one knows the reason for that one. Worst of all, it is illegal in Victoria to do incalls – where the client comes to you – no matter where they take place (except in a brothel). If you are a private worker and you want to work legally, you are forced to only do outcalls (where you go to the client).

Many workers – myself included – like to work on our own turf because we feel safer, and hate doing outcalls; in Victoria, we have a choice of doing outcalls anyway, doing incalls illegally, or having to work in a brothel. If a worker is doing illegal incalls, some of the same problems I spoke to before around criminalization re-emerge: I know a worker who was assaulted in Melbourne by a client who knew full well that since she was doing incalls illegally she wouldn’t be able to report him. The Victorian system might be legalization, but it’s a terrible system nonetheless.

Then we get to Queensland. In Queensland, being a sex worker and having oral sex without a condom is illegal, and the Queensland Police regularly try to entrap workers for doing that. Whether a worker has decided that that is something they’re okay with doing with their body, is desperate that particular week, or felt coerced in the situation, they’re all liable to being entrapped into a criminal record. It is also illegal in Queensland to have two workers working from the same premises outside of a brothel, forcing workers to work alone and threatening workers who work together with arrest. Queensland even bans workers from describing – in almost any terms – what they do and don’t do in their services in their advertising. And then we get to the Northern Territory, where brothels are illegal – which makes life much more difficult for workers who like to work in a neutral space with people in earshot, and where they don’t have to find their own clients.

As these situations show, legalization and regulation starts to look a lot messier in practice than it is in theory. There are two other features that frequently pop up in legalization regimes that I also want to address, because they don’t do sex workers any favours. A number of states have brothel licensing systems, where stringent licensing conditions and expensive fees control who is able to run a brothel. This has the effect of creating a two-tiered industry, where the biggest and most profitable brothels can operate legally and with the law on their side, while smaller brothels, which includes most worker-run parlours, become unable to comply and are forced underground. This limits the options for workers to choose from, severely limits the ability for worker- run parlours to operate, and benefits the biggest brothels by inhibiting their competition. The main consequence of brothel licensing that the state winds up unwittingly helping the biggest brothels wipe out their competition, and that is no social service.

The second is mandatory testing of sex workers, which is the case in Victoria and Queensland. Thanks in part to a strong network of peer education services in each state and territory of Australia, sex workers are usually well educated about STIs and have lower rates than the general population. Mandatory testing stigmatizes workers, as it is based on assumptions rather than data, and ultimately wastes both sex worker and medical service time with unnecessary tests. This carries an added problem in Queensland, where Campbell Newman’s cuts to sexual health have made finding affordable and sex  worker-friendly sexual health testing a challenge for some workers.


So, I’ve just talked for a long time about what doesn’t work in terms of laws about sex work. There is one model of regulation which is consistently supported by sex workers and sex worker organizations in Australia and around the world: decriminalization. It currently exists in New South Wales and in New Zealand, but the rest of Australia lags behind. What would this mean? Decriminalisation means that criminal laws relating to sex work are removed, and sex work is regulated just like any other business. Brothels are subject to local planning laws, just like any other business. It removes any special regulatory role for police in the sex industry, removing opportunities for police corruption and enhancing sex workers’ access to justice. It gives sex workers the same legal protections as other workers, and better access to health and government services. It stands against social stigma, and it eliminates the institutional stigma that exists in some of the examples I’ve already mentioned.

In short, decriminalization treats sex workers like workers in any other role. Violence against us is just as illegal, while we have better access to workplace rights, and don’t have to worry about crashing into the criminal law in the sorts of weird and not-so-wonderful cases I’ve talked about above. It allows us to make the right decisions for us, and allows us to prioritise working in the way that we feel is safest and most comfortable for us instead of having to work around whatever other law is in place in thatstate. I’ve worked under three different legal regimes: decriminalization in New South Wales, botched legalization in Victoria, and the Western Australian system, which can perhaps best be described as “it’s complicated” , and I can speak from personal experience that New South Wales was by far the place I felt safest and most comfortable working.


You might notice that I haven’t once mentioned workers’ subjective experience of sex work – or, indeed my subjective experience of sex work, and that I don’t buy into arguments about whether sex work is “empowering” or not – or anything remotely like it.

I say this because it’s not the point. We talk about labor rights in sex work because if you’re a current worker, the consequences of all of the above is going to hit you just as hard regardless of whether you’re enjoying the industry or not. Decriminalisation creates the safest legal regime possible while you’re working, and creates the least stigmatized environment if you want out with the least barriers to doing so, where laws that brutalise current workers brutalise women who want out just as much as the ones who want in.

I say this because sex workers need the help of non-sex working feminists if we’re to move forward. We need to stop any attempt to push for the Swedish model in Australia stone dead, we need to tear down the criminalization of sex workers in South Australia and the criminalization of street workers nationally, and we need to abolish the ridiculous regulations that rule the industry in Queensland and Victoria. These are fights that we need allies to win.

And we need things to change in feminist discourse. The voices of sex workers must be firmly front and centre in any discussion of sex work. The idea that well-paid tenured academics or NGOs can speak with authority on sex work better than sex workers themselves needs to be seen as laughable-if-it-weren’t- so-serious. I look around this room, and I see how much things have changed in even this forum from five or ten years ago, and that gives me hope. We need you to stand with us as we fight to have our voices heard, and fight for decriminalization nationally, because it is and will always be the only system that actually works for us. I really hope you all will.